What we’ve learned in 10 years about county lines drug dealing

A decade ago, the UK National Crime Agency (NCA) identified a new drug supply method. Before then, drug supply was predominantly between user-dealers – people supplying their social circles to fund their drug use, rather than for commercial gain.

In 2015, police outside of London identified a pattern of more frequent arrests of young people and vulnerable adults, implicated in drug supply outside of their local areas. They were also frequently suspected to be associated with members of criminal gangs. Thus, ‘county lines’ was born.

The NCA used the term ‘county lines’ to describe the phone or ‘deal’ line used to organise the sale of drugs – mainly heroin and crack cocaine – from cities with oversaturated supplies, to rural, coastal areas with less supply.

The deal line was controlled by gang members based in the inner city area, such as London or Liverpool, known as ‘exporter’ areas. The sale of drugs would be completed by a young or vulnerable person who had been exploited and sometimes trafficked out of their home areas to rural ‘importer’ areas, such as north Wales and Cornwall.

The crossing of local authority and police boundaries made county lines difficult to police, and to safeguard those who had been exploited.

County lines is notably violent. It involves gang violence, knife crime, drug misuse, sexual exploitation and modern-day slavery.

Ten years on, county lines as a supply model continues to evolve. A recent assessment by the National Police Chiefs’ Council found that the practice is becoming more localised, with fewer lines running between police force boundaries, and more running from one end of a force to the other end. It is also no longer limited to the supply of class A substances, with police reporting seizures of cannabis, cash and weapons.

Researchers are now suggesting that the term county lines itself is outdated, and instead should be replaced with a term that focuses more on the exploitation involved, rather than drug supply.

Who gets involved

County lines affects both children and vulnerable adults. The Government has estimated 14,500 children to be at risk of child criminal exploitation, but this is likely to be an underestimation.

Particular risk factors include being between 15 and 17 years old, experiences of neglect and abuse, economic vulnerability, school exclusion and frequent episodes of missing from home.

Cuckooing, where a gang will take over homes as a base for drug supply, largely affects vulnerable adults, rather than children.

One challenge in responding to county lines is that vulnerability can be difficult to recognise. Victims and perpetrators of exploitation are often one and the same. Often, victims will be unwilling to co-operate with police, out of fear of legal consequences and repercussions from their exploiters.

Those who have been exploited into participating in county lines often do not accept that they are a victim – they may think they are profiting from their involvement, both financially and socially.

The ongoing cost-of-living crisis draws young and vulnerable people into county lines as a response to poverty and lack of legitimate and financially viable opportunities.

Responding to county lines

My ongoing research looks at the development of county lines policy and responses to the problem over the last 10 years. Responses to county lines have been mainly led by law enforcement, with co-ordinated police ‘crackdowns’. But research shows that high-profile police operations are largely symbolic, and have the effect of drawing vulnerable people into the criminal justice system, which creates further harm.

One important development has been the use of the Modern Slavery Act to prosecute county lines. The purpose of this is to offer a legal defence for someone who has been exploited into selling drugs. But research has shown, rather than acting as a safeguard and a defence, it acts as a ‘gateway into criminalisation’.

If someone crosses the boundary of being a victim to becoming a perpetrator of exploitation, they can also find themselves being subjected to punitive criminal justice responses under the Modern Slavery Act. This is especially true for black men and boys, who have historically been treated more harshly, for example through stop and search, in relation to drug crime.

It’s become clear that county lines is an issue that criminal justice alone cannot respond to. Those who are at risk require safeguarding, not criminalisation. To this end, the Government funds a specialist county lines victim support service that operates in the four main exporter locations.

But the availability of this support service only in exporter locations shows that the county lines response is a postcode lottery. Police forces in importer areas have fewer resources to dedicate to training officers to deal with complex county lines cases. A consistent national approach is still required.

What’s next?

The current Government is planning to make child criminal exploitation and cuckooing specific criminal offences through new legislation. This has been celebrated as a success by child safety charities. 

But should more criminalisation be the priority? Research shows that drug prohibition and punitive responses are ineffective at preventing young people and vulnerable adults becoming involved in county lines. The demand for drugs and structural issues such as poverty are fuelling county lines – policing alone cannot address this.

Instead of punitive legal responses, public health and addressing the demand for drugs should be priority. Investment is needed in support services and social care, which have been decimated by austerity cuts, to build a society where vulnerable people do not need to become involved in drug supply.

This article first appeared on The Conversation, and is republished under a Creative Commons Licence; you can read the original here.

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